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  • user warning: Table './conserva_drupal/cache_filter' is marked as crashed and should be repaired query: UPDATE cache_filter SET data = '<p>CHICAGO: March 24, 2015</p>\n<p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.conservativechronicle.com/sites/default/files/Barone.gif\" style=\"width: 300px; height: 116px;\" /></p>\n<p>Rahm Emanuel heads into a runoff April 7 in his bid for a second term as mayor of Chicago. He&rsquo;s the favorite going in, having won 46 percent in the Feb. 24 first round against longtime local officeholder Chuy Garcia&rsquo;s 34 percent and topping 50 percent in recent polls.<br />\n Emanuel, President Obama&rsquo;s first White House chief of staff and architect of the Democrats&rsquo; 2006 takeover of the House, is politically astute, energetic and profane. Given all that, it&rsquo;s surprising that his support is down from the 55 percent he won in the first round in February 2011.</p>\n<p> AND IT&rsquo;S interesting that his strongest support comes from gentry liberals: high-income, high-education whites. In February, he won absolute majorities in only eight of Chicago&rsquo;s 50 wards, six on the Lakefront running north from the Loop almost to the city limits and two just inland.<br />\n This comes 50 years after gentry liberals first emerged as a key electoral bloc in big city elections, with the election of then-Republican John Lindsay as mayor of New York in 1965. Gentry liberals gave him big margins in Manhattan, enough to overcome losses in the city&rsquo;s other four boroughs that year and again in 1969.<br />\n This was something new. Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan&rsquo;s 1963 study of New York&rsquo;s voting blocs, Beyond the Melting Pot, has chapters on Irish, Italians, Jews, blacks and Puerto Ricans &mdash; but nothing on gentry liberals. James Q. Wilson&rsquo;s pioneering study of Manhattan&rsquo;s reform movement, The Amateur Democrat, came out in 1966, just after Lindsay won.<br />\n Before the mid-1960s, gentry liberals were, like Lindsay, Republicans &mdash; liberal on civil rights, internationalist rather than isolationist on foreign policy, willing to accept the New Deal but suspicious of labor unions and big city political machines.<br />\n Lindsay constructed a new coalition of gentry liberals and blacks, setting up a police civilian review board and claiming credit for preventing a riot in Harlem. He showed disdain for ethnic and middle-class whites, a &ldquo;new snobbery&rdquo; as I called it at the time.<br />\n Lindsay&rsquo;s policies played a major part in a negative national trend, as crime and welfare dependency roughly tripled in the 1965-75 decade, and New York City teetered on the brink of bankruptcy. Other cities with fewer strengths went into death spirals, like my native Detroit.</p>\n<p> THE GENTRY liberal-black alliance later split up in New York, as gentry liberals supported and blacks opposed the brilliantly successful crime-fighting policies of Rudy Giuliani and Michael Bloomberg. The city felt free to elect the far-left Bill de Blasio in 2013, but turnout was lower than in any city election since 1929, and de Blasio hired Giuliani&rsquo;s first police commissioner.<br />\n Chicago took a different course. Richard J. Daley, mayor from 1955 to 1976, juggled different ethnic groups, winning with black votes against Polish challengers early on and with majorities from all-white &ldquo;bungalow wards&rdquo; against candidates supported by blacks and gentry liberals later.<br />\n In 1983, Congressman Harold Washington beat his son, Richard M. Daley, with a coalition of blacks and gentry liberals. But after Washington&rsquo;s death, Daley was elected in 1989. His base was the bungalow wards, and he reached out shrewdly to Hispanics and gentry liberals. In 1992, I asked Bill Daley what his father would have thought of his brother marching in the gay rights parade. &ldquo;Our father,&rdquo; he said, &ldquo;always said that if a group was big enough to control a ward you should pay attention to them.&rdquo;<br />\n Obama&rsquo;s original political model was Harold Washington. But Daley blocked the way, and Chicago&rsquo;s elite gentry liberals shunted him off to less important jobs out of town.<br />\n Today the balance has changed. Gentry-liberal Chicago is expanding inward from Lake Michigan. Only four white-majority bungalow wards are left in the northwest, out by O&rsquo;Hare, and one in the southwest. The black population is not growing, as blacks head to the southern suburbs and to Atlanta. The Hispanic vote, growing toward its potential of one-third of the electorate, is Chuy Garcia&rsquo;s political base.</p>\n<p> RAHM EMANUEL is scrambling for votes in bungalow and black wards that went for third and fourth candidates in February and will probably get enough to win. That&rsquo;s important for Chicago, but not so significant for the nation, because the central city electorate is contracting. The number on Richard J. Daley&rsquo;s license plate was 708,222 &mdash; the number of votes he got in April 1955. In February 2015, Rahm Emanuel got 218,217.</p>\n', created = 1574390330, expire = 1574476730, headers = '', serialized = 0 WHERE cid = '2:d8791fd9ae13a3ca9fa73686f952d294' in /home/conserva/public_html/includes/cache.inc on line 112.
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Gentry liberals have increasing clout in Chicago

CHICAGO: March 24, 2015

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